OT: things getting hot elswhere

[KIBU]

From New York Times:

June 14, 2011
China Navy Reaches Far, Unsettling The Region
By EDWARD WONG

QINGDAO, China — The photographs of Chinese warships speeding between Japanese islands in the Pacific for drills circulated quickly last week, raising what Japan’s defense minister called “serious concern.”

Vietnam, with little forewarning, then began live-fire naval exercises off its coast — a show of bravado in the face of rising tensions with China over rival claims to the oil- and gas-rich South China Sea. Protests against Chinese actions in the sea took place on the last two Sundays in both Hanoi and Ho Chi Minh City, with at least the tacit approval of the government.

The separate events reflect a new and potentially volatile pattern. As the Chinese government and the fast-modernizing naval branch of the People’s Liberation Army extend the nation’s maritime reach, uneasy neighbors are tracking Chinese vessels, including military and surveillance boats, fisheries law enforcement ships and fishing skiffs, and pushing back hard over anything deemed aggressive.

In recent weeks, Vietnam, the Philippines and Japan have all voiced concerns or made formal complaints over Chinese nautical movements. Some nations have deployed military ships or aircraft to disputed waters. The United States, the dominant military force in the Pacific, is watching closely and has sought to bolster its alliances with countries in the region.

The growing confidence of the Chinese Navy is on open display. Here in the port of Qingdao, host to an impressive naval review in 2009, destroyers and a submarine are docked for public viewing at a seaside military museum that extols the might of the navy. At a coastal city farther north, Dalian, the navy has been rebuilding an ex-Soviet aircraft carrier, the Varyag, which is expected to be operational this year.

American officials have said that one of the Chinese Navy’s main goals in modernizing is to operate in an area where the United States currently has naval supremacy: the waters of the western Pacific that lie beyond Japan, Taiwan and the Philippines, what is commonly known as the “first island chain.”

“At one level, this is the new ‘normal,’ ” Lyle Goldstein, a professor at the China Maritime Studies Institute at the United States Naval War College, said in an e-mail. “This is especially true with respect to the group of Chinese P.L.A. navy ships going through the ‘first island chain’ to conduct a medium-sized exercise.” Such exercises will become much more regular, he added, “especially once China adds a carrier to the mix.”

The Chinese Defense Ministry said last week that the Chinese ships spotted between the Japanese islands of Okinawa and Miyako were in compliance with international law. Their purpose was to conduct a “regular exercise” that was “in accordance with the annual plan” of the Chinese military, the ministry said.

The Japanese defense minister, Toshimi Kitazawa, said Friday that there had been a growing number of actions by Chinese vessels in the waters near Okinawa since 2008. “We should be concerned about whether they would go beyond that or not,” he said, according to Kyodo News. In April 2010, a large Chinese flotilla passed near Okinawa, and a Chinese helicopter flew within 300 feet of one of two Japanese destroyers that had begun following the Chinese vessels.

Last September, a diplomatic crisis erupted between China and Japan when the Japanese detained a Chinese fishing captain whom they accused of ramming two Japanese Coast Guard vessels patrolling disputed islands administered by Japan. There was no evidence of ties between the fisherman and the Chinese Navy, but analysts say Chinese civilian boats have been increasingly acting as proxies for the navy by trying to assert Chinese sovereignty in disputed waters.

Bernard D. Cole, a former United States Navy officer who teaches at the National War College, said he had heard the Chinese Navy was trying to expand operational control over the fisheries enforcement command and other Coast Guard-like organizations.

Such boats have also been at the center of flare-ups in recent years in the South China Sea, which is claimed in part or in whole by China, Taiwan and four Southeast Asian nations. Foreign officials and analysts say the skirmishes this year have great potential to devolve into military conflict. “The situation there seems to be escalating in dangerous ways,” Mr. Goldstein said.

On May 26 and June 9, Chinese boats cut cables from Vietnamese oil exploration ships, Vietnamese officials say. Vietnam formally protested, saying the ships were inside Vietnam’s exclusive economic zone, 200 nautical miles off Vietnam’s coast. China contends that the ships were outside the zone. In the second case, Chinese officials say, armed Vietnamese ships were chasing a Chinese fishing vessel from the area, and a fishing net accidentally snagged the cable.

A Foreign Ministry spokesman, Hong Lei, asserted on June 7 that “China has indisputable sovereignty over the South China Sea islands and adjacent waters.” Though China has not explicitly delineated its territorial claims, critics in the region say it is relying on a map, drawn up by the old Kuomintang government and supported by the current Communist government, that shows virtually the entire South China Sea under Chinese dominion. Mr. Hong said China’s position on the sea “has remained unchanged for centuries,” and has called on Vietnam and the Philippines to stop oil exploration there.

Philippine officials say China has provoked five to seven incidents with their country this year, said Carlyle A. Thayer, a professor at the Australian Defense Force Academy who studies the region. One of the most serious was on March 2, when two Chinese maritime surveillance ships ordered a Philippine survey boat to leave the area around Reed Bank and, according to the Philippines, threatened to ram the boat. The Philippines later sent military planes to the area. Mr. Hong said the Philippines should “stop unilateral actions that impair China’s sovereignty as well as maritime rights.”

But Mr. Thayer put the blame on China, saying “a series of unilateral actions by China have raised serious tensions and potentially set China on a collision course with Vietnam and the Philippines.”

Analysts say the tensions will be a test for the United States, since it is allied with the Philippines and has grown closer to Vietnam. Last year, the United States publicly sided with Vietnam and other Southeast Asian nations against China at a regional meeting when Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton spoke of a “national interest” in the South China Sea and urged a solution to the disputes.

The territorial issue remains the time bomb, Mr. Cole said. “Neither Beijing nor Hanoi has given any indication that they are willing to back off their claim to complete sovereignty over the land features,” he said. “That is the crux of the issue.”

Shao Heng contributed research from Beijing.

[KIBU]

From The Jakarta Globe:
http://www.thejakartaglobe.com/opinion/as-china-makes-waves-in-south-china-sea-neighbors-need-more-than-new-names/447173

As China Makes Waves in South China Sea, Neighbors Need More Than New Names. Asia Sentinel | June 16, 2011

Sloppy reporting is giving the impression that the most recent dispute in the South China Sea between China and Vietnam has been about the Spratly and Paracel islands. Instead, the clash over these islands is in fact an illustration of China’s claim to the whole South China Sea, reaching close to the territorial waters of Vietnam, Malaysia, Brunei and the Philippines.

In the current case, Chinese ships cut the cables of a Vietnamese sonar exploration vessel operating 120 nautical miles off the Vietnam coast approximately due east of Nha Trang. No claim to the area where the Vietnamese ship was drilling could be made on the basis of sovereignty of all or any of the scattered groups of islets, rocks and reefs known as the Spratlys.

Although almost none of the islands and rocks are capable of sustaining human habitation and the seabed is not part of a continental shelf, there is an argument that they could support a claim for a 200-mile exclusive economic zone if it did not conflict with any other 200-mile claim.

The nearest of the Spratlys is at least 180 nautical miles from where the Vietnamese ship was and clearly much closer to the Vietnam coast and on its continental shelf, while the Spratlys lie on the other side of deep water. Likewise, the Vietnamese vessel was well over 200 miles from the closest of the Paracel Islands, the group of sandy islands and banks off the northern coast of Vietnam that were seized by China in 1974, just before the reunification of Vietnam.

The distinction between island claims and sea claims is critical because it also involves the United States. Washington remains neutral on the validity of the competing and overlapping islands claims, but it is adamant about freedom of passage, including through EEZs. The main shipping lane between the Luzon straits and the Singapore straits lies in this area — the deep water between the Vietnam coast and the Spratlys, which is hazardous to large ships. Hence, the United States will in practice always line up against China’s claims to the whole sea and also to China’s narrow interpretation of freedom of passage.

The Chinese action thus should send further warnings to Malaysia, the Philippines, Brunei and Indonesia about the extent of China’s claims over the sea and the resources under its seabed. Existing gas fields off Palawan and Sarawak are already within areas claimed by China on its maps of the sea. The same applies to the huge gas fields, yet to be developed, close to Indonesia’s Natuna islands, even though the islands themselves have not (as yet) been claimed by China.

The Philippines has begun to react against the latest Chinese harassments of its fishermen operating in waters less than 200 miles off the Philippine coast and of an exploration vessel operating near the Reed Bank. The latter lies just 80 nautical miles from Palawan — and nearly 500 from mainland China. There have been calls in Manila for the strengthening of its feeble naval forces. The Philippines is now insisting that the body of water generally known in English as the South China Sea should be known at least locally as the West Philippine Sea. (The sea to the east of the Philippine archipelago is known as the Philippine Sea.)

China simply calls it the South Sea, while Vietnam calls it the East Sea. It was once known as the Cham Sea — after the seafaring, Malay-speaking Hindi kingdom that earlier flourished in central Vietnam. The Philippines also calls the Reed Bank the Recto Bank.

There have been calls in the Philippines for the US to be more supportive of its territorial claims under the terms of its security agreement. There has also been disappointment at US claims of neutrality. The problem for Manila is that however much the United States supports the principles of freedom of navigation and application of the UN Law of the Sea in this case, it never claimed the Spratlys were part of the Philippines while it was the colonial power. France, however, as then ruler of Vietnam, did so — and was challenged by China.

In the past, perceiving the Philippines to be weak, China has often focused its attention on this part of its claim. Its 1995 occupation of Mischief Reef (Panganiban island, Meiji Jiao) 130 miles off the Palawan coast in 1995, allegedly just a shelter for fishermen, was one of China’s more provocative acts. In 2002, there was an agreement with Asean for peaceful resolution of sea disputes, but this only caused a pause in disputes.

Asean’s problem is that some members are reluctant to address the sea issue and China itself will only deal with it on a country-to-country basis, thus weakening such solidarity as Asean members can show. It does not help that Malaysia has been so far let alone by China, and that Kuala Lumpur is keen not to attract Chinese anger by supporting Vietnam and the Philippines openly. To do so might cause Beijing to raise the explosive issue of Malay racial discrimination against its ethic Chinese citizens.

Vietnam is clearly made of sterner stuff, and its new cozy relationship with Washington (and links with Russia and India) are likely to be more effective in dealing with China than is waffling from Asean’s feel-good foreign ministries.

Asia Sentinel

[KIBU]

From The Jakarta Globe:
http://www.thejakartaglobe.com/opinion/as-china-makes-waves-in-south-china-sea-neighbors-need-more-than-new-names/447173

As China Makes Waves in South China Sea, Neighbors Need More Than New Names. Asia Sentinel | June 16, 2011

Sloppy reporting is giving the impression that the most recent dispute in the South China Sea between China and Vietnam has been about the Spratly and Paracel islands. Instead, the clash over these islands is in fact an illustration of China’s claim to the whole South China Sea, reaching close to the territorial waters of Vietnam, Malaysia, Brunei and the Philippines.

In the current case, Chinese ships cut the cables of a Vietnamese sonar exploration vessel operating 120 nautical miles off the Vietnam coast approximately due east of Nha Trang. No claim to the area where the Vietnamese ship was drilling could be made on the basis of sovereignty of all or any of the scattered groups of islets, rocks and reefs known as the Spratlys.

Although almost none of the islands and rocks are capable of sustaining human habitation and the seabed is not part of a continental shelf, there is an argument that they could support a claim for a 200-mile exclusive economic zone if it did not conflict with any other 200-mile claim.

The nearest of the Spratlys is at least 180 nautical miles from where the Vietnamese ship was and clearly much closer to the Vietnam coast and on its continental shelf, while the Spratlys lie on the other side of deep water. Likewise, the Vietnamese vessel was well over 200 miles from the closest of the Paracel Islands, the group of sandy islands and banks off the northern coast of Vietnam that were seized by China in 1974, just before the reunification of Vietnam.

The distinction between island claims and sea claims is critical because it also involves the United States. Washington remains neutral on the validity of the competing and overlapping islands claims, but it is adamant about freedom of passage, including through EEZs. The main shipping lane between the Luzon straits and the Singapore straits lies in this area — the deep water between the Vietnam coast and the Spratlys, which is hazardous to large ships. Hence, the United States will in practice always line up against China’s claims to the whole sea and also to China’s narrow interpretation of freedom of passage.

The Chinese action thus should send further warnings to Malaysia, the Philippines, Brunei and Indonesia about the extent of China’s claims over the sea and the resources under its seabed. Existing gas fields off Palawan and Sarawak are already within areas claimed by China on its maps of the sea. The same applies to the huge gas fields, yet to be developed, close to Indonesia’s Natuna islands, even though the islands themselves have not (as yet) been claimed by China.

The Philippines has begun to react against the latest Chinese harassments of its fishermen operating in waters less than 200 miles off the Philippine coast and of an exploration vessel operating near the Reed Bank. The latter lies just 80 nautical miles from Palawan — and nearly 500 from mainland China. There have been calls in Manila for the strengthening of its feeble naval forces. The Philippines is now insisting that the body of water generally known in English as the South China Sea should be known at least locally as the West Philippine Sea. (The sea to the east of the Philippine archipelago is known as the Philippine Sea.)

China simply calls it the South Sea, while Vietnam calls it the East Sea. It was once known as the Cham Sea — after the seafaring, Malay-speaking Hindi kingdom that earlier flourished in central Vietnam. The Philippines also calls the Reed Bank the Recto Bank.

There have been calls in the Philippines for the US to be more supportive of its territorial claims under the terms of its security agreement. There has also been disappointment at US claims of neutrality. The problem for Manila is that however much the United States supports the principles of freedom of navigation and application of the UN Law of the Sea in this case, it never claimed the Spratlys were part of the Philippines while it was the colonial power. France, however, as then ruler of Vietnam, did so — and was challenged by China.

In the past, perceiving the Philippines to be weak, China has often focused its attention on this part of its claim. Its 1995 occupation of Mischief Reef (Panganiban island, Meiji Jiao) 130 miles off the Palawan coast in 1995, allegedly just a shelter for fishermen, was one of China’s more provocative acts. In 2002, there was an agreement with Asean for peaceful resolution of sea disputes, but this only caused a pause in disputes.

Asean’s problem is that some members are reluctant to address the sea issue and China itself will only deal with it on a country-to-country basis, thus weakening such solidarity as Asean members can show. It does not help that Malaysia has been so far let alone by China, and that Kuala Lumpur is keen not to attract Chinese anger by supporting Vietnam and the Philippines openly. To do so might cause Beijing to raise the explosive issue of Malay racial discrimination against its ethic Chinese citizens.

Vietnam is clearly made of sterner stuff, and its new cozy relationship with Washington (and links with Russia and India) are likely to be more effective in dealing with China than is waffling from Asean’s feel-good foreign ministries.

Asia Sentinel

[KIBU]

From The Jakarta Globe:
http://www.thejakartaglobe.com/opinion/as-china-makes-waves-in-south-china-sea-neighbors-need-more-than-new-names/447173

As China Makes Waves in South China Sea, Neighbors Need More Than New Names. Asia Sentinel | June 16, 2011

Sloppy reporting is giving the impression that the most recent dispute in the South China Sea between China and Vietnam has been about the Spratly and Paracel islands. Instead, the clash over these islands is in fact an illustration of China’s claim to the whole South China Sea, reaching close to the territorial waters of Vietnam, Malaysia, Brunei and the Philippines.

In the current case, Chinese ships cut the cables of a Vietnamese sonar exploration vessel operating 120 nautical miles off the Vietnam coast approximately due east of Nha Trang. No claim to the area where the Vietnamese ship was drilling could be made on the basis of sovereignty of all or any of the scattered groups of islets, rocks and reefs known as the Spratlys.

Although almost none of the islands and rocks are capable of sustaining human habitation and the seabed is not part of a continental shelf, there is an argument that they could support a claim for a 200-mile exclusive economic zone if it did not conflict with any other 200-mile claim.

The nearest of the Spratlys is at least 180 nautical miles from where the Vietnamese ship was and clearly much closer to the Vietnam coast and on its continental shelf, while the Spratlys lie on the other side of deep water. Likewise, the Vietnamese vessel was well over 200 miles from the closest of the Paracel Islands, the group of sandy islands and banks off the northern coast of Vietnam that were seized by China in 1974, just before the reunification of Vietnam.

The distinction between island claims and sea claims is critical because it also involves the United States. Washington remains neutral on the validity of the competing and overlapping islands claims, but it is adamant about freedom of passage, including through EEZs. The main shipping lane between the Luzon straits and the Singapore straits lies in this area — the deep water between the Vietnam coast and the Spratlys, which is hazardous to large ships. Hence, the United States will in practice always line up against China’s claims to the whole sea and also to China’s narrow interpretation of freedom of passage.

The Chinese action thus should send further warnings to Malaysia, the Philippines, Brunei and Indonesia about the extent of China’s claims over the sea and the resources under its seabed. Existing gas fields off Palawan and Sarawak are already within areas claimed by China on its maps of the sea. The same applies to the huge gas fields, yet to be developed, close to Indonesia’s Natuna islands, even though the islands themselves have not (as yet) been claimed by China.

The Philippines has begun to react against the latest Chinese harassments of its fishermen operating in waters less than 200 miles off the Philippine coast and of an exploration vessel operating near the Reed Bank. The latter lies just 80 nautical miles from Palawan — and nearly 500 from mainland China. There have been calls in Manila for the strengthening of its feeble naval forces. The Philippines is now insisting that the body of water generally known in English as the South China Sea should be known at least locally as the West Philippine Sea. (The sea to the east of the Philippine archipelago is known as the Philippine Sea.)

China simply calls it the South Sea, while Vietnam calls it the East Sea. It was once known as the Cham Sea — after the seafaring, Malay-speaking Hindi kingdom that earlier flourished in central Vietnam. The Philippines also calls the Reed Bank the Recto Bank.

There have been calls in the Philippines for the US to be more supportive of its territorial claims under the terms of its security agreement. There has also been disappointment at US claims of neutrality. The problem for Manila is that however much the United States supports the principles of freedom of navigation and application of the UN Law of the Sea in this case, it never claimed the Spratlys were part of the Philippines while it was the colonial power. France, however, as then ruler of Vietnam, did so — and was challenged by China.

In the past, perceiving the Philippines to be weak, China has often focused its attention on this part of its claim. Its 1995 occupation of Mischief Reef (Panganiban island, Meiji Jiao) 130 miles off the Palawan coast in 1995, allegedly just a shelter for fishermen, was one of China’s more provocative acts. In 2002, there was an agreement with Asean for peaceful resolution of sea disputes, but this only caused a pause in disputes.

Asean’s problem is that some members are reluctant to address the sea issue and China itself will only deal with it on a country-to-country basis, thus weakening such solidarity as Asean members can show. It does not help that Malaysia has been so far let alone by China, and that Kuala Lumpur is keen not to attract Chinese anger by supporting Vietnam and the Philippines openly. To do so might cause Beijing to raise the explosive issue of Malay racial discrimination against its ethic Chinese citizens.

Vietnam is clearly made of sterner stuff, and its new cozy relationship with Washington (and links with Russia and India) are likely to be more effective in dealing with China than is waffling from Asean’s feel-good foreign ministries.

Asia Sentinel

[KIBU]

From The Jakarta Globe:
http://www.thejakartaglobe.com/opinion/as-china-makes-waves-in-south-china-sea-neighbors-need-more-than-new-names/447173

As China Makes Waves in South China Sea, Neighbors Need More Than New Names. Asia Sentinel | June 16, 2011

Sloppy reporting is giving the impression that the most recent dispute in the South China Sea between China and Vietnam has been about the Spratly and Paracel islands. Instead, the clash over these islands is in fact an illustration of China’s claim to the whole South China Sea, reaching close to the territorial waters of Vietnam, Malaysia, Brunei and the Philippines.

In the current case, Chinese ships cut the cables of a Vietnamese sonar exploration vessel operating 120 nautical miles off the Vietnam coast approximately due east of Nha Trang. No claim to the area where the Vietnamese ship was drilling could be made on the basis of sovereignty of all or any of the scattered groups of islets, rocks and reefs known as the Spratlys.

Although almost none of the islands and rocks are capable of sustaining human habitation and the seabed is not part of a continental shelf, there is an argument that they could support a claim for a 200-mile exclusive economic zone if it did not conflict with any other 200-mile claim.

The nearest of the Spratlys is at least 180 nautical miles from where the Vietnamese ship was and clearly much closer to the Vietnam coast and on its continental shelf, while the Spratlys lie on the other side of deep water. Likewise, the Vietnamese vessel was well over 200 miles from the closest of the Paracel Islands, the group of sandy islands and banks off the northern coast of Vietnam that were seized by China in 1974, just before the reunification of Vietnam.

The distinction between island claims and sea claims is critical because it also involves the United States. Washington remains neutral on the validity of the competing and overlapping islands claims, but it is adamant about freedom of passage, including through EEZs. The main shipping lane between the Luzon straits and the Singapore straits lies in this area — the deep water between the Vietnam coast and the Spratlys, which is hazardous to large ships. Hence, the United States will in practice always line up against China’s claims to the whole sea and also to China’s narrow interpretation of freedom of passage.

The Chinese action thus should send further warnings to Malaysia, the Philippines, Brunei and Indonesia about the extent of China’s claims over the sea and the resources under its seabed. Existing gas fields off Palawan and Sarawak are already within areas claimed by China on its maps of the sea. The same applies to the huge gas fields, yet to be developed, close to Indonesia’s Natuna islands, even though the islands themselves have not (as yet) been claimed by China.

The Philippines has begun to react against the latest Chinese harassments of its fishermen operating in waters less than 200 miles off the Philippine coast and of an exploration vessel operating near the Reed Bank. The latter lies just 80 nautical miles from Palawan — and nearly 500 from mainland China. There have been calls in Manila for the strengthening of its feeble naval forces. The Philippines is now insisting that the body of water generally known in English as the South China Sea should be known at least locally as the West Philippine Sea. (The sea to the east of the Philippine archipelago is known as the Philippine Sea.)

China simply calls it the South Sea, while Vietnam calls it the East Sea. It was once known as the Cham Sea — after the seafaring, Malay-speaking Hindi kingdom that earlier flourished in central Vietnam. The Philippines also calls the Reed Bank the Recto Bank.

There have been calls in the Philippines for the US to be more supportive of its territorial claims under the terms of its security agreement. There has also been disappointment at US claims of neutrality. The problem for Manila is that however much the United States supports the principles of freedom of navigation and application of the UN Law of the Sea in this case, it never claimed the Spratlys were part of the Philippines while it was the colonial power. France, however, as then ruler of Vietnam, did so — and was challenged by China.

In the past, perceiving the Philippines to be weak, China has often focused its attention on this part of its claim. Its 1995 occupation of Mischief Reef (Panganiban island, Meiji Jiao) 130 miles off the Palawan coast in 1995, allegedly just a shelter for fishermen, was one of China’s more provocative acts. In 2002, there was an agreement with Asean for peaceful resolution of sea disputes, but this only caused a pause in disputes.

Asean’s problem is that some members are reluctant to address the sea issue and China itself will only deal with it on a country-to-country basis, thus weakening such solidarity as Asean members can show. It does not help that Malaysia has been so far let alone by China, and that Kuala Lumpur is keen not to attract Chinese anger by supporting Vietnam and the Philippines openly. To do so might cause Beijing to raise the explosive issue of Malay racial discrimination against its ethic Chinese citizens.

Vietnam is clearly made of sterner stuff, and its new cozy relationship with Washington (and links with Russia and India) are likely to be more effective in dealing with China than is waffling from Asean’s feel-good foreign ministries.

Asia Sentinel

[KIBU]

From The Jakarta Globe:
http://www.thejakartaglobe.com/opinion/as-china-makes-waves-in-south-china-sea-neighbors-need-more-than-new-names/447173

As China Makes Waves in South China Sea, Neighbors Need More Than New Names. Asia Sentinel | June 16, 2011

Sloppy reporting is giving the impression that the most recent dispute in the South China Sea between China and Vietnam has been about the Spratly and Paracel islands. Instead, the clash over these islands is in fact an illustration of China’s claim to the whole South China Sea, reaching close to the territorial waters of Vietnam, Malaysia, Brunei and the Philippines.

In the current case, Chinese ships cut the cables of a Vietnamese sonar exploration vessel operating 120 nautical miles off the Vietnam coast approximately due east of Nha Trang. No claim to the area where the Vietnamese ship was drilling could be made on the basis of sovereignty of all or any of the scattered groups of islets, rocks and reefs known as the Spratlys.

Although almost none of the islands and rocks are capable of sustaining human habitation and the seabed is not part of a continental shelf, there is an argument that they could support a claim for a 200-mile exclusive economic zone if it did not conflict with any other 200-mile claim.

The nearest of the Spratlys is at least 180 nautical miles from where the Vietnamese ship was and clearly much closer to the Vietnam coast and on its continental shelf, while the Spratlys lie on the other side of deep water. Likewise, the Vietnamese vessel was well over 200 miles from the closest of the Paracel Islands, the group of sandy islands and banks off the northern coast of Vietnam that were seized by China in 1974, just before the reunification of Vietnam.

The distinction between island claims and sea claims is critical because it also involves the United States. Washington remains neutral on the validity of the competing and overlapping islands claims, but it is adamant about freedom of passage, including through EEZs. The main shipping lane between the Luzon straits and the Singapore straits lies in this area — the deep water between the Vietnam coast and the Spratlys, which is hazardous to large ships. Hence, the United States will in practice always line up against China’s claims to the whole sea and also to China’s narrow interpretation of freedom of passage.

The Chinese action thus should send further warnings to Malaysia, the Philippines, Brunei and Indonesia about the extent of China’s claims over the sea and the resources under its seabed. Existing gas fields off Palawan and Sarawak are already within areas claimed by China on its maps of the sea. The same applies to the huge gas fields, yet to be developed, close to Indonesia’s Natuna islands, even though the islands themselves have not (as yet) been claimed by China.

The Philippines has begun to react against the latest Chinese harassments of its fishermen operating in waters less than 200 miles off the Philippine coast and of an exploration vessel operating near the Reed Bank. The latter lies just 80 nautical miles from Palawan — and nearly 500 from mainland China. There have been calls in Manila for the strengthening of its feeble naval forces. The Philippines is now insisting that the body of water generally known in English as the South China Sea should be known at least locally as the West Philippine Sea. (The sea to the east of the Philippine archipelago is known as the Philippine Sea.)

China simply calls it the South Sea, while Vietnam calls it the East Sea. It was once known as the Cham Sea — after the seafaring, Malay-speaking Hindi kingdom that earlier flourished in central Vietnam. The Philippines also calls the Reed Bank the Recto Bank.

There have been calls in the Philippines for the US to be more supportive of its territorial claims under the terms of its security agreement. There has also been disappointment at US claims of neutrality. The problem for Manila is that however much the United States supports the principles of freedom of navigation and application of the UN Law of the Sea in this case, it never claimed the Spratlys were part of the Philippines while it was the colonial power. France, however, as then ruler of Vietnam, did so — and was challenged by China.

In the past, perceiving the Philippines to be weak, China has often focused its attention on this part of its claim. Its 1995 occupation of Mischief Reef (Panganiban island, Meiji Jiao) 130 miles off the Palawan coast in 1995, allegedly just a shelter for fishermen, was one of China’s more provocative acts. In 2002, there was an agreement with Asean for peaceful resolution of sea disputes, but this only caused a pause in disputes.

Asean’s problem is that some members are reluctant to address the sea issue and China itself will only deal with it on a country-to-country basis, thus weakening such solidarity as Asean members can show. It does not help that Malaysia has been so far let alone by China, and that Kuala Lumpur is keen not to attract Chinese anger by supporting Vietnam and the Philippines openly. To do so might cause Beijing to raise the explosive issue of Malay racial discrimination against its ethic Chinese citizens.

Vietnam is clearly made of sterner stuff, and its new cozy relationship with Washington (and links with Russia and India) are likely to be more effective in dealing with China than is waffling from Asean’s feel-good foreign ministries.

Asia Sentinel

[CA renter]

Thanks for posting these, KIBU.

[CA renter]

Thanks for posting these, KIBU.

[CA renter]

Thanks for posting these, KIBU.

[CA renter]

Thanks for posting these, KIBU.

[CA renter]

Thanks for posting these, KIBU.

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