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December 11, 2012 at 9:02 AM #20365December 11, 2012 at 9:42 AM #756078UCGalParticipant
CA is not the only state with overcompensated employees.
Tennessee is paying $7.5M to Auburn university football coach they fired. (Chizik) He was a state employee.
His predecessor, Tuberville, was paid $5.1M upon leaving.These were state employees since Auburn is a state university.
Not saying any of it is right. Just saying CA isn’t the only screwed up state.
December 11, 2012 at 10:29 AM #756080SD RealtorParticipantIt is good to be the best at something though!
December 11, 2012 at 12:16 PM #756091EconProfParticipantThis meaty article will prompt many pro and con contributions by Piggs. It is a healthy debate to have, since our fiscal future and our state’s economy depends upon it.
The question is whether state employees are overcompensated or not compared to similar private sector occupations. While many dueling statistics can be brought forth by both sides, I’d like to pose one question: What is the quit rate for public sector workers compared to similar private sector workers?
I’ve heard that the public sector workers almost never quit, suggesting that they know they have a good deal. But that’s only anecdotal. Any Piggs have any statistics?December 11, 2012 at 1:44 PM #756098no_such_realityParticipantEconprof, you are so wrong. The denial is too deep on this issue.
December 11, 2012 at 1:46 PM #756099UCGalParticipantOnly anectdotal.
I’ve been with my same employer for almost 18 years. Private sector. The corporate name has changed a bunch of times (bought, split, bought again, now for sale again.) Most of my work group have been here 7 years or longer. Several have tenures that make me seem like a newbie.
Neighbor went to work for the county. Lasted 1 year before he ran screaming back to the private sector.
Dad worked private sector – 32 years with his last employer.
Mom worked for the county – 20 years total under two agencies.Brother worked private sector to start (20 years) with an average tenure of 3-5 years, then went to work for the state (not Cali) – and was laid off after 2 years. (unrelated – he died shortly after that.)
Lots of costco employees at my local costco have been there since it was Price Club (started in the 80’s)
I’d love to see hard data on this. I don’t see any trends when looking around my friends and family.
December 11, 2012 at 2:10 PM #756105SK in CVParticipant[quote=UCGal]
Lots of costco employees at my local costco have been there since it was Price Club (started in the 80’s)[/quote]
It’s been there even longer than you think. I got my first card in August of ’76. I don’t think it was open for more than month. Just ran out of the 12,000 paper plates I bought on that first trip.
December 11, 2012 at 2:14 PM #756108UCGalParticipantLOL.
I know my mom joined price club in the 70’s. But back then you had to have an employer connection. My mom worked for the county -so that was her connection. This was still true for price club and later costco until about 1990 if memory serves.One of my regular cashiers there worked at price club during college because they had tuition reimbursement. She graduated and looked around for her “professional” career… none paid as well, offered as good of bennies. She’s been there since about 1981. I think there are a lot of employees like her.
December 11, 2012 at 2:20 PM #756106bearishgurlParticipant[quote=EconProf]I’ve heard that the public sector workers almost never quit, suggesting that they know they have a good deal. But that’s only anecdotal. Any Piggs have any statistics?[/quote]
EconProf, I don’t know about recent years (since unemployment has been higher in SD). But in the past, there WAS a big danger of losing an employee who has already spent 6 mos to 1 yr (depending on position), on probation and “training.” These were employees who were not yet vested, which took five years (with no LWOP or State Disability Leaves in that five years which were not paid back).
There is an abyss of hoops to jumps thru (and putting up with a load of BS that goes along with that jumping) between an employee’s hiring and vesting, much moreso when on probation. And every time an employee changes classifications (even if a “lateral” move), they are put back on “probation.” It is not uncommon for a public employee to serve 2-3 probationary periods back to back. This in no way implies they will be treated “fairly” while serving a probation.
Employees who were hired with marketable degrees/skills tend to defect before vesting. The danger of staying and vesting (even losing 3-4 years of an employees prime working years) is that they will use a computer on whichever agency they work for’s “network” day in, day out which is entirely proprietary to that agency. The procedures they have to follow day in, day out are also proprietary to that agency. Hence, the need to serve a *new* probationary period at each agency they go to. Many of the job classifications are proprietary to one agency only. After 3-4 years on the job, even if an employee WANTS to get out and work in a “private” job, their resume is now full of duties which have no value to private employers. Especially if their gov position was their first “real” job, a gov employee would very likely have to take a big downgrade in pay if they quit and took a position in the private sector.
After five years, vacation and sick leave accurals typically increase, making it harder to find a gig with even close to similar benefits elsewhere.
One thing private sector employees have over public sector employees is more freedom on the job, namely:
-freedom to visit websites they want to on the “company” computer (within reason);
-ability to telecommute (don’t have taxpayers coming in for services or have to see the agency’s “clients” day after day. And agency’s computers/proprietary information isn’t allowed to be taken home);
-and, don’t have to follow a strict dress code (ex. courts and taxpayers expect professional attire at all times).
Even AFTER vesting, there isn’t a great deal of incentive to work year after year in the public sector unless the public employee just LOVES their duties, their clients, their bosses/coworkers, etc. If they have skills which could get them hired in the private sector immediately (and the job market is such that they can), they often DO quit. The amount each year their pension grows is minuscule in proportion to the hoop-jumping, politics and other BS they have to put up with on a daily/weekly basis year after year.
The above applies to “rank and file workers” who obtained their positions by scoring on an examination and are protected by civil service rules. These employees are the vast majority of government workers.
The above does NOT apply to executive-level workers or officials who are brought in on interviews and reference checks alone (often from another city, county or state and perhaps even from the private sector), and who hammered out their contacts out with the public hiring agencies. These workers have no civil service protection and can (and often do) sue for breach of contract if they are let go before their contract expires. Hence the massive payouts in the OP, which were either in these employees’ contracts to begin with, or paid a lump sum to an employee to get rid of them early (settlement of breach of contract).
I CAN tell you that governments NEVER pay out humungous sums for former employees unless said employee has them over a barrel in some way! Here are three examples where they WOULD pay out but there are several more:
The employee had an ironclad, enforceable contact with the agency to get paid a certain sum over a certain period of time and the agency decides to terminate it early (for any reason);
their own employees made HUGE, GLARING and embarrassing mistakes with said employee;
or, an employee can properly substantiate in a government tribunal or court of law substantial fraud, waste or abuse perpetrated by any officer or employee of said agency, informed their supervisor and/or agency head and the agency PTB looked askance at the complaint(s) and actually retaliated against said informer (whistleblowing statute or qui-tam action filed).
In fact, the opposite is true. Every single government has a passel of attorneys on staff who do NOTHING every day but fight off monetary claims coming from ouside AND inside the agencies of the jurisdiction they represent. The small governments contract out this function to private law firms, but nevertheless, they operate in much the same way as attorneys representing insurance companies, except public entities are “self-insured” (excluding worker’s comp coverage).
If these agencies are “stuck” and/or don’t want a bright flashlight shown to the public on a particular issue (don’t want the press to get wind of it), and/OR they can’t possibly win in court, they’ll quietly pay an employee to “go away” but not without an indefinite “gag order” as part of the deal.
The payouts come out of the following year’s budgets of said offending agencies, as do their “attorney fees.” This often results in “billets” being removed from their budgets (cuts in staff resulting in layoffs or unfilled vacancies dropping from their staffing list).
There is always much more to these large payouts (upon an employee’s termination/retirement of a government job) than meets the eye.
December 11, 2012 at 2:26 PM #756111bearishgurlParticipant[quote=UCGal]Only anectdotal. . . .
Neighbor went to work for the county. Lasted 1 year before he ran screaming back to the private sector. . . . [/quote]
LOL, UCGal! I have a (young) neighbor who did this, too. I think it’s a Gen Y trait. This generation has infinitely less patience in dealing with “BBH” (Bureaucracy, Bullshit, and Hierarchy) than previous generations. :=]
December 11, 2012 at 2:44 PM #756112livinincaliParticipant[quote=EconProf]
I’ve heard that the public sector workers almost never quit, suggesting that they know they have a good deal. But that’s only anecdotal. Any Piggs have any statistics?[/quote]Teachers are a pretty decent place to look. The NCTAF says that about 50% of teacher turn over in the first 5 years, but the total turn over is only 16.8%. So once you get past that first 5 years the turnout must get really low to balance out the stats. Here’s an article that talks about public school vs charter school turnover http://latimesblogs.latimes.com/lanow/2011/07/los-angeles-charter-schools-have-high-teacher-turnover.html
My thought is that once you get to about year 5 the benefit package becomes too good to give up. In addition your pay is probably competitive for the skill set you have. Honestly where is a 10 year veteran teacher going to make $50K+ plus generous benefits in the private sector for their skill set. Charter schools aren’t paying that, tutoring services aren’t paying that and most entry level jobs in other fields aren’t paying that. The only competition is another school district.
I think that’s true for a lot of public sector jobs. Most public sector jobs have a skill set that is not in competition with a private sector job. The competition is with another public sector job.
December 11, 2012 at 6:41 PM #756128sjkParticipant[quote=bearishgurl][quote=EconProf]I’ve heard that the public sector workers almost never quit, suggesting that they know they have a good deal. But that’s only anecdotal. Any Piggs have any statistics?[/quote]
EconProf, I don’t know about recent years (since unemployment has been higher in SD). But in the past, there WAS a big danger of losing an employee who has already spent 6 mos to 1 yr (depending on position), on probation and “training.” These were employees who were not yet vested, which took five years (with no LWOP or State Disability Leaves in that five years which were not paid back).
There is an abyss of hoops to jumps thru (and putting up with a load of BS that goes along with that jumping) between an employee’s hiring and vesting, much moreso when on probation. And every time an employee changes classifications (even if a “lateral” move), they are put back on “probation.” It is not uncommon for a public employee to serve 2-3 probationary periods back to back. This in no way implies they will be treated “fairly” while serving a probation.
Employees who were hired with marketable degrees/skills tend to defect before vesting. The danger of staying and vesting (even losing 3-4 years of an employees prime working years) is that they will use a computer on whichever agency they work for’s “network” day in, day out which is entirely proprietary to that agency. The procedures they have to follow day in, day out are also proprietary to that agency. Hence, the need to serve a *new* probationary period at each agency they go to. Many of the job classifications are proprietary to one agency only. After 3-4 years on the job, even if an employee WANTS to get out and work in a “private” job, their resume is now full of duties which have no value to private employers. Especially if their gov position was their first “real” job, a gov employee would very likely have to take a big downgrade in pay if they quit and took a position in the private sector.
After five years, vacation and sick leave accurals typically increase, making it harder to find a gig with even close to similar benefits elsewhere.
One thing private sector employees have over public sector employees is more freedom on the job, namely:
-freedom to visit websites they want to on the “company” computer (within reason);
-ability to telecommute (don’t have taxpayers coming in for services or have to see the agency’s “clients” day after day. And agency’s computers/proprietary information isn’t allowed to be taken home);
-and, don’t have to follow a strict dress code (ex. courts and taxpayers expect professional attire at all times).
Even AFTER vesting, there isn’t a great deal of incentive to work year after year in the public sector unless the public employee just LOVES their duties, their clients, their bosses/coworkers, etc. If they have skills which could get them hired in the private sector immediately (and the job market is such that they can), they often DO quit. The amount each year their pension grows is minuscule in proportion to the hoop-jumping, politics and other BS they have to put up with on a daily/weekly basis year after year.
The above applies to “rank and file workers” who obtained their positions by scoring on an examination and are protected by civil service rules. These employees are the vast majority of government workers.
The above does NOT apply to executive-level workers or officials who are brought in on interviews and reference checks alone (often from another city, county or state and perhaps even from the private sector), and who hammered out their contacts out with the public hiring agencies. These workers have no civil service protection and can (and often do) sue for breach of contract if they are let go before their contract expires. Hence the massive payouts in the OP, which were either in these employees’ contracts to begin with, or paid a lump sum to an employee to get rid of them early (settlement of breach of contract).
I CAN tell you that governments NEVER pay out humungous sums for former employees unless said employee has them over a barrel in some way! Here are three examples where they WOULD pay out but there are several more:
The employee had an ironclad, enforceable contact with the agency to get paid a certain sum over a certain period of time and the agency decides to terminate it early (for any reason);
their own employees made HUGE, GLARING and embarrassing mistakes with said employee;
or, an employee can properly substantiate in a government tribunal or court of law substantial fraud, waste or abuse perpetrated by any officer or employee of said agency, informed their supervisor and/or agency head and the agency PTB looked askance at the complaint(s) and actually retaliated against said informer (whistleblowing statute or qui-tam action filed).
In fact, the opposite is true. Every single government has a passel of attorneys on staff who do NOTHING every day but fight off monetary claims coming from ouside AND inside the agencies of the jurisdiction they represent. The small governments contract out this function to private law firms, but nevertheless, they operate in much the same way as attorneys representing insurance companies, except public entities are “self-insured” (excluding worker’s comp coverage).
If these agencies are “stuck” and/or don’t want a bright flashlight shown to the public on a particular issue (don’t want the press to get wind of it), and/OR they can’t possibly win in court, they’ll quietly pay an employee to “go away” but not without an indefinite “gag order” as part of the deal.
The payouts come out of the following year’s budgets of said offending agencies, as do their “attorney fees.” This often results in “billets” being removed from their budgets (cuts in staff resulting in layoffs or unfilled vacancies dropping from their staffing list).
There is always much more to these large payouts (upon an employee’s termination/retirement of a government job) than meets the eye.[/quote]
Have a read…….
http://online.wsj.com/article/SB10001424052748704657704576149941061124736.html
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By ANDREW BIGGS AND JASON RICHWINELeaders across the country are proposing restrictions on public employees’ pay and benefits in order to put their budgets on a more sustainable path. The political left’s counterattack is that government workers aren’t overpaid compared to those in the private economy. Who’s right?
Consider a study released last October by the Center on Wage and Employment Dynamics at the University of California, Berkeley, which concluded that Golden State public employees “are neither overpaid nor overcompensated.” The Economic Policy Institute has generated reports arguing that government workers are underpaid.
These studies are misleading. Public-private pay comparisons vary from state to state, but a full accounting shows clearly that large, union-dominated states tend to overpay their workers. California is a good example.
The Berkeley study begins by studying salaries, where its methods are solid. Using individual-level data from the Census Bureau’s Current Population Survey, it compares public and private wages while controlling for differences in age, education and other earnings-related characteristics. Using essentially the same methods, we found that California state and local government employees receive wages about 4% lower than those received by similarly skilled workers in large private firms, which offer the most generous pay and benefits. But if we compare public employees to all private workers, the 4% penalty becomes statistically zero.
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Public employees really pull ahead in non-wage benefits.Slideshow: Teachers Revolt
Public employee protests spread across the Midwest.
Public employees really pull ahead in non-wage benefits. The Berkeley study concludes that counting benefits means that public workers’ total hourly compensation is about 2% higher than that of private workers. But our research shows that the study underestimates what public workers receive from pensions and retiree health programs. It also doesn’t account for the value of job security in government employment. Once these are noted, the balance tilts clearly in favor of public workers.
The first error in the Berkeley study concerns defined-benefit pension plans. The study erroneously conflated what governments pay into defined-benefit plans with what workers will eventually receive in retirement. So if governments contribute 10% of employee pay to defined-benefit pensions while private employers contribute 10% to 401(k)-type pensions, these studies conclude that pension compensation is equal.
But here’s the problem: State and local pensions effectively guarantee employees an 8% return on both their contributions and those made by their employer. By contrast, a private-sector employee with a 401(k) can achieve a guaranteed return of only around 4% by investing in U.S. Treasury securities. Most economists believe governments are foolish to base their funding decisions on the assumption of high investment returns, but the benefits for public employees are guaranteed in any case.
Over a career, the difference between a 4% and 8% return is significant. Using data from California’s major pension funds, we calculate that the higher implicit return on public pensions increases the compensation of California’s government workers by around 4%.
The Berkeley study’s second error is the omission of retiree health benefits. Private workers retire later and relatively few receive retiree health coverage. For those who do, eligibility has been tightened and premiums increased. But almost 90% of state and local governments offer retiree health benefits to employees. They generally retire in their 50s, at which point the government often pays most of their costs, including Medicare premiums and deductibles.
State actuarial reports show the annual cost of California retiree health benefits could top 8% of total compensation. Thus an accurate accounting of pension and retiree health benefits shows that public employees in California are paid about 15% more than individuals working for large private firms (accounting for age, education, etc.).
Another major benefit of public employment is job security. The Bureau of Labor Statistics reports that, on average, a private worker has about a 20% chance of being fired or laid off in a given year. In state and local government, the discharge rate is only about 6%—and several studies have found that public employees are more risk-averse than other workers, meaning they place particular value on job security. We estimate that government job security is equivalent to about a 15% increase in compensation.
Overall, our research suggests that government workers in California are compensated up to 30% more generously than are similar employees in large private firms. And the California experience is similar to that of other large states with powerful public unions. Elected officials are right to reassess public worker compensation as they try to close their budget deficits.
Mr. Biggs is a resident scholar at the American Enterprise Institute. Mr. Richwine is a senior policy analyst at the Heritage Foundation.
December 11, 2012 at 6:45 PM #756129sjkParticipant[quote=EconProf]This meaty article will prompt many pro and con contributions by Piggs. It is a healthy debate to have, since our fiscal future and our state’s economy depends upon it.
The question is whether state employees are overcompensated or not compared to similar private sector occupations. While many dueling statistics can be brought forth by both sides, I’d like to pose one question: What is the quit rate for public sector workers compared to similar private sector workers?
I’ve heard that the public sector workers almost never quit, suggesting that they know they have a good deal. But that’s only anecdotal. Any Piggs have any statistics?[/quote]This has some data, I think the gap has become much wider in the last few years…
http://www.heritage.org/about/staff/departments/center-for-data-analysis/models-and-data
Regards,
Are California Public Employees Overpaid?
Heritage Foundation Working Paper (comments welcome)
Jason Richwine ([email protected])
Andrew Biggs ([email protected])Introduction
Public-private pay comparability has become a major political issue in the past year, with some claiming that public workers are overpaid and others claiming they are paid too little. An important aspect of this debate is the difference between federal workers on the one hand and state and local workers on the other. Although federal workers earn higher wages and benefits than comparable private workers, the state-local situation is more complicated. Compared to private workers, state-local workers tend to earn less in wages but more in benefits. The net impact on overall pay is controversial.
The Center on State and Local Government Excellence, the Center for Economic and Policy Research, the Economic Policy Institute, and the Center on Wage and Employment Dynamics (CWED) have all released similar studies arguing that the wage penalty and benefit premium for state-local workers either cancel out or tilt in favor of private workers.
While these studies more or less properly measure wage differences, none of them considers the full benefit premium enjoyed by state-local workers. A full accounting of benefits needs to include retirement healthcare, job security, and pension funding using the proper private sector discount rate. After including these missing pieces of the benefits pictures, we find that state-local compensation is substantially higher than previous estimates.
Because state-level data varies widely in quality and availability, it is still difficult to say whether state-local workers are overpaid on a national level. This paper focuses exclusively on public workers in California, a large state with reasonably good benefits data. Because the authors of the CWED report also focus on California, we contrast our methods and results with theirs throughout this paper.
CWED concluded that California public workers are not overpaid. However, we find that CWED’s analysis of benefits leads to a substantial understatement of state-local compensation in California. With a more complete accounting of benefits, public employees in California in fact earn up to 30 percent more in total compensation than comparable private sector workers.
Wages
Our public-private wage comparison is very similar to CWED’s. We use the same dataset and the same basic regression analysis.
Data and Methods. We averaged the 2006 through 2010 years of the Current Population Survey. The five-year average is more representative of recent trends in government pay, and the larger sample size allows us to add more detailed control variables.
We used the Annual Demographic Supplement of the CPS, which contains information on annual earnings. The analysis is limited to adult civilians working full-time for a wage or a salary during the whole previous year.
We dropped workers with imputed earnings, since the imputation process does not take government status into account. People with annual earnings less than $9,000 were also dropped.
In addition to dummy variables for federal, state, and local government employment, we used the following controls: usual hours worked per week, experience (age – education – 6), experience-squared, years of education, firm size (6 categories), broad occupation (10 categories), immigration status, race, gender, marital status, and year dummies to account for inflation. We also included interaction terms: experience x education, experience-squared x education, marital status x gender, and gender x race.
Choice of Controls. Most control variables in wage regressions are uncontroversial, but there is some debate among economists over whether to include certain ones. For example, our inclusion of firm size means that California state workers are compared only to workers at large firms (1,000+ employees), which tend to pay higher salaries than smaller firms.
Since firm size is a characteristic of employers rather than employees, this is controversial. Some argue that larger firms tend to pay higher wages because they are more successful, that a state government cannot be “successful” in any market sense, and therefore that a firm size control is inappropriate. However, working at a large firm reflects to some extent an employee’s preferences for whatever characteristics large firms tend to exhibit. If state-local workers quit in favor of private sector jobs, they would likely choose a private firm that is above-average in size. For that reason, we believe controlling for firm size is the better choice for both wages and benefits. Excluding the firm size control would make the observed state and local wage penalties substantially smaller than what we are reporting here.
Some economists also control for union status, but we do not feel that is appropriate. Collective bargaining drives up wages, and California’s decision to allow state workers to unionize is essentially another means of boosting compensation. One could argue that union membership, like firm size, is also a state worker’s revealed preference that he would continue to seek in the private sector. Unlike firm size, however, this preference could be driven mainly by the higher wages and benefits of unionized labor, which should be included in the state-local premium. Controlling for union status would likely raise our estimate of the wage penalty but would not change any of our conclusions.
The CWED report includes firm size but excludes union status, just as we do.
Results and Conclusion. Results of the regression are displayed in Table 1. The first column lists key independent variables, and the second column shows the percentage increase in wages associated with a one unit increase in each variable. For example, an additional year of education leads to a 9.9 percent increase in wages, all else equal.
Table 1: Wage Regression Results, 2006-2010.
Control Variable Coefficient (%)
hours worked per week 1.7
experience (in years) 3.9
education (in years) 9.9
foreign-born -11.4
married 18.0
black -16.6
Hispanic -10.7
woman -14.0
federal worker 4.8
state worker -10.2
local worker -0.6
Observations 25,576
Adjusted r-squared 0.506
Note: All coefficients significant at the 95 percent level or higher, except local worker. Additional controls not shown; see text for details.Source: Authors’ calculation from Current Population Survey.
The most important variables in the list for our purposes are state and local government status. After controlling for observable skills and a detailed list of personal characteristics, state workers in California earn about 10.2 percent less in wages than private sector workers. Local workers see a much smaller, statistically insignificant penalty of 0.6 percent. Combining state and local workers together yields a significant penalty of 3.7 percent (not shown in the table).
Benefits
Our results for wages are similar to CWED’s, but we begin to diverge with benefits. We first review the “standard” benefit calculations used by CWED and other groups, and then we describe the omitted or undercounted portions.
“Standard” Benefit Calculation. The Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS) publishes benefit/wage ratios for private and state-local workers collected through the Employer Costs for Employee Compensation (ECEC) survey. These figures include: paid leave, such as vacation, holiday or sick pay; supplemental pay, such as overtime and bonuses; insurance, such as life and health coverage; retirement and savings, which includes employer contributions to defined benefit and defined contribution pension plans; and legally required benefits, such as Social Security and Medicare payroll taxes.
In the Pacific Census region, which includes California, benefits for state-local employees were 55.5 percent of wages (or 37.5 percent of total compensation). For private sector workers in large firms, benefits equaled 50.3 percent of wages or (33.5 percent of compensation). BLS does not release state-specific data due to small sample sizes. If California has more generous public sector benefits than other states in the region, which is likely given our review of the pension and retiree health data, then the BLS Pacific Region figures may slightly understate total California compensation.
Omitted or Undercounted Benefits. We possess employee benefit data at nowhere near the level of detail that we have for salaries with the CPS. Given the limitations of BLS data on employee benefits, the CWED and other studies do a reasonable job of approximating total employee compensation. However, the CWED and other studies omit or understate two important benefits for public sector employees: retiree health care and defined benefit pensions.
Retiree Health Benefits. The existing studies omit retiree health benefits, which are not included in BLS compensation data as there are no payments to active employees. For private sector workers this omission is generally unimportant—private workers retire later, relatively few private workers receive retiree health coverage, and eligibility has been tightened and premiums increased for those who do. In contrast, almost 90 percent of state and local governments offer retiree health benefits to employees who retire in their 50s, with the government paying much of their costs, often including Medicare premiums and deductibles. State actuarial reports show the annual accruing costs of California retiree health benefits equal approximately 6.5 percent of total compensation.
Moreover, even these actuarial figures will understate the true value of retiree health coverage. The reason is that that the costs of coverage are calculated as the amount by which retiree coverage increases costs to the employer plan by increasing the average age of the covered population. However, there is an additional subsidy to the retiree as he otherwise would have to purchase coverage in the individual health market, which is approximately 25 percent more expensive for a given policy than group coverage. Thus, the true subsidy to the individual is the employer cost plus the cost difference between individual and group health coverage. In this case, the total subsidy would equal approximately 8.125 percent of total compensation.
Controlling for Pension Discount Rates. An important difference between public and private sector employment is the predominance of traditional defined benefit (DB) pensions in the public sector versus 401(k)-type defined contribution (DC) plans in the private sector. All pay comparisons to date have failed to accurately capture certain important distinctions between the two.
Employer contributions to pensions are only a proxy by which we infer the value of an actual future pension benefit. To accurately infer that value, we must consider both the size of the employer contribution and the implicit rate of return paid on it from the time of payment through the time the benefit is received.
For DC pensions, the return on contributions is straightforward. Individuals may invest employer contributions as they choose, in assets with a mix of risk and return they find optimal. For comparability with DB pensions, which are generally riskless to the employee, we assume that individuals invest DC assets in guaranteed U.S. Treasury securities, currently yielding around 4 percent annually over 20 years.
For DB plans, however, the implicit rate of return on contributions is a function of the plan’s benefit formula. This return can differ from person to person, but on average it will equal the discount rate or assumed investment return for the program as a whole.
In private sector DB plans, the discount rate equals the interest rate on a portfolio of high quality corporate bonds. Currently, such a portfolio yields approximately 5.5 percent. State and local pensions generally assume a discount rate of 8 percent, based on the expected return on assets held by the fund. This means that the employer contribution today is equal to the eventual benefit discounted back to the present at a 5.5 or 8 percent interest rate. Put another way, it means that public sector employees receive a guaranteed return of 8 percent on their employers’ pension contributions.
If we compare only the size of employer contributions while excluding the implicit return, we will understate true compensation delivered through DB pensions. To account for this, we calculate an adjustment factor to defined benefit pension contributions to account for how different annual rates of return compound over time. Most participants in defined benefits plans do not have a full career under such plans prior to retirement. In the state-local sector, it is common for employees to have approximately 25 years of service prior to retirement. We will assume the same length of service for all employees with DB pensions. We estimate the effect of different implicit rates of return by compounding over one-half the assumed number of service years for the employee.
The adjustment factor equals:
,
where the expected return equals 5.5 percent (private) or 8.0 percent (state-local) and the riskless return is 4 percent. This factor, which is greater than 1 so long as the expected return exceeds the riskless return, is multiplied by each sector’s employer contribution to DB pensions. The resulting value equals the equivalent employer contribution were all workers to hold defined contribution pensions.
These factors are multiplied by the normal cost of California pension plans, which is the cost (as a percent of salaries) of benefits accruing in a given year. Based on a weighted average of normal costs for California’s major pension funds—CalPERS, CalSTRS, the University of California pension, and the pensions of city employees in Los Angeles, San Francisco and San Diego—we calculate that the higher implicit return on public defined-benefit pensions increases the compensation of California’s government workers by approximately 4 percent.
Job Security
The final factor we consider is job security. According to the BLS Job Openings and Labor Turnover Survey (JOLTS), a private sector worker has an approximately 20 percent chance of being fired or laid off in a given year while for state-local employees the probability is only 6 percent. This effectively gives federal employees an insurance policy against being discharged. Here we attempt to ascribe a value to that insurance.
Adam Smith in The Wealth of Nations originated the idea of what are today called “compensating wage differentials,” that is, changes to wages to balance the positive or negative characteristics of jobs. Smith explains how this applies to the risk of unemployment:
Employment is much more constant in some trades than in others. In the greater part of manufactures, a journeyman may be pretty sure of employment almost every day in the year that he is able to work. A mason or a bricklayer, on the contrary, can work neither in hard frost nor in foul weather, and his employment at all other times depends on the occasional calls of his customers. He is liable, in consequence, to be frequently without any. What he earns, therefore, while he is employed must not only maintain him while he is idle, but make him some compensation for those anxious and desponding moments which the thought of so precarious a situation must sometimes occasion…. The high wages of those workmen, therefore, are not so much the recompense of their skill as the compensation for the inconsistency of their employment.
Just as positions with a high incidence and duration of unemployment should pay a compensation premium, positions with greater job security – such as public sector employment – should pay less than otherwise similar jobs.
Theory. To estimate the value of job security on effective compensation, we calculate what in financial economics is termed a “certainty equivalent,” which represents a guaranteed payment which individuals would find equally attractive to a higher but uncertain payment. For instance, an individual might be willing to accept a guaranteed payment of $45,000 in lieu of a 50 percent chance of winning $100,000. The more risk averse individuals are, the lower the certainty equivalent is relative to the probability-weighed expected value of the risky payment.
In this case, we effectively ask how much lower salary a private sector worker would accept to have the job security of a public sector employee. To calculate this value, we begin with an isoelastic/CRRA utility function of the formwhere u is the utility derived from consumption c, and ρ is the coefficient of constant relative risk aversion (CRRA). What this indicates is that the welfare generated by income will rise as income rises, but at a decreasing rate. Moreover, the rate at which the marginal utility of consumption declines increases with the risk aversion of the individual. A more risk averse individual will be willing to accept a lower certainty equivalent income, because the increase in expected utility by accepting employment risk is lower.
Data. Using this utility function, we first calculate the utility of total compensation for a worker assuming he retains his job full time, assuming total compensation of $85,000. We then calculate utility in the case the worker becomes unemployed, which involves assumptions regarding the duration of unemployment, the level of unemployment benefits, and the compensation of the new job the individual may find. For the baseline case, we assume a duration of unemployment of 19 weeks, unemployment benefits of $450 per week (the California maximum) and a current position pay premium of 15 percent, which is approximately the amount by which we calculate that California public sector compensation exceeds that paid to similar private sector workers. Using these assumptions, annual compensation in the event of unemployment is $54,400, for which we also calculate a utility value.
The expected utility is the weighted average of utility if the individual remains employed throughout the year and utility if the individual is discharged. In this exercise, we do not wish to calculate the salary reduction an individual would accept to have a zero probability of being discharged, but merely the difference between the private sector rate (20 percent) and the public sector probability (6 percent). Thus, we approximate by assigning a probability of discharge equal to the difference between the two (14 percent). Expected utility is equal to the weighted utilities of consumption assuming the individual is discharged (14 percent probability) or remains employed throughout the year (86 percent probability).
To calculate the utility of consumption we require a value for the risk aversion of public sector employees. We obtain this from Munnell et al (2007). Based on data from the Panel Study of Income Dynamics, they estimate a CRRA for public employees of 5.4, which is significantly higher than the estimate for private sector workers of 2.8. Other studies have concluded that public employees are more risk averse than private sector workers.
We derive the certainty equivalent compensation by calculating the riskless compensation whose utility would equal the expected utility of compensation under the risk of unemployment. This value is $73,840. The base compensation of $85,000 exceeds this value by approximately 15 percent, thereby generating our estimate of the job security compensation premium. Using a more conservative assumption that California workers, were they to work in the private sector, would have half the probability of becoming unemployed (perhaps due to their higher average education) the job security pay premium is around 5 percent.Graphical Illustration. The intuition of the calculations may be more understandable using a simple chart. Figure 1 shows a stylized utility function, where the curved line shows the relationship between income (on the horizontal axis) and utility (on the vertical axis). Higher income generates more happiness, but at an ever-declining rate. Point A represents the income/utility if the individual keeps his job throughout the year, while Point B represents the income/utility should he lose his job. Point C, which lies between the two, represents the individual’s expected utility from his employment – that is, the probability weighted average of the utilities at Points A and B.
Point D lies to the left of Point C and represents the certainty equivalent income, that is, the compensation with zero probability of discharge that that would generate the same utility as the non-guaranteed compensation the individual currently receives.
Summary
Whether public sector employees receive greater or lesser compensation than similar private sector workers is an empirical question that demands analysis of salaries, benefits, and job security. In the case of California public employees, we find that salaries are slightly lower in the public sector. Initially, benefits appear only slightly higher, implying rough parity in public and private compensation. However, properly accounting for retiree health benefits and DB pensions generates a public compensation premium of around 15 percent. The additional job security granted to public sector employees is equivalent to an approximately 15 percent increase in compensation, meaning that the total public sector pay premium in California may be as high as 30 percent.April 2010, at http://www.slge.org/vertical/Sites/%7BA260E1DF-5AEE-459D-84C4-876EFE1E4032%7D/uploads/%7B03E820E8-F0F9-472F-98E2-F0AE1166D116%7D.PDF (February 23, 2011).
John Schmitt, “The Wage Penalty for State and Local Government Employees,” Center for Economic and Policy Research, May 2010, at http://www.cepr.net/documents/publications/wage-penalty-2010-05.pdf (February 23, 2011).
Jeffrey Keefe, “Debunking the Myth of the Overcompensated Public Employee,” Economic Policy Institute, September 15, 2010 at http://epi.3cdn.net/8808ae41b085032c0b_8um6bh5ty.pdf (February 23, 2011).
Sylvia A. Allegretto and Jeffrey Keefe,“The Truth about Public Employees in California,” Center on Wage and Employment Dynamics, Institute for Research on Labor and Employment, University of California Berkeley, October 2010, at http://www.irle.berkeley.edu/cwed/wp/2010-03.pdf (February 23, 2011).
An interesting compromise position on firm size, which we may incorporate into future drafts, is used in: “The Economic Policy Institute is Wrong: Public Workers are Overpaid,” Center for Union Facts, February 22, 2011, at http://www.unionfacts.com/downloads/Public_Sector_UnionsBrief.pdf (February 23, 2011).
The overstatement would be small because of the size of California’s population relative to that of other states.
“State of California Retiree Health Benefits Program,” Gabriel Roeder Smith & Company, October 23, 2009, at http://www.sco.ca.gov/Press-Releases/2010/OPEB_February_2010.pdf (February 23, 2011).
Melinda Beeuwkes Buntin, José S. Escarce, Kanika Kapur, Jill M. Yegian, and M. Susan, “Trends and Variability in Individual Insurance Products,” Health Affairs, September 24, 2003.
Alicia H. Munnell, Kelly Haverstick, and Mauricio Soto, “Why Have Defined Benefit Plans Survived in the Public Sector?” State and Local Pension Plans Brief 2.Chestnut Hill, MA: Center for Retirement Research at Boston College, 2007.
Don Bellante and Albert N. Link, “Are Public Sector Workers More Risk Averse Than Private Sector Workers?”
Industrial and Labor Relations Review. Vol. 34, No. 3 (Apr., 1981), pp. 408-412.At this point it is difficult to estimate probabilities and durations of unemployment for public sector workers, though we are investigating possible methods to do so.
December 11, 2012 at 9:30 PM #756137bearishgurlParticipant[quote=sjk]…Public-private pay comparability has become a major political issue in the past year, with some claiming that public workers are overpaid and others claiming they are paid too little. An important aspect of this debate is the difference between federal workers on the one hand and state and local workers on the other. Although federal workers earn higher wages and benefits than comparable private workers, the state-local situation is more complicated. Compared to private workers, state-local workers tend to earn less in wages but more in benefits. The net impact on overall pay is controversial….[/quote]
Civil service Federal jobs (thru GS-9/WG-9 levels) typically have ten pay steps, “maxing out” in 9.5 to ten years (depending on classification – some have 6 mos probationary period and some have one year). Thus, persons in Federal employment do not have to move around in order to get a raise, like state and local workers do. Ironically, it is easier for them to do so, by simply putting in a request for a new locale (for a lateral transfer in the same classification they are working in). This is done all the time, state to state and often in conjunction with military transfers of a spouse.
State and local civil service positions typically have 3-8 pay steps (avg of 5) in each classification. So at the 4.5 or 5-year mark, the employee is “maxed out” and can’t get a raise no matter how well they do on the job. They MUST get “promoted” to a higher classification (and serve a new probationary period) in order to advance … or stagnate in their positions. Many public employees don’t mind “stagnating” and do so voluntarily for many years simply for a particular work location and not wanting to serve another probationary period and for no other reasons.
If a local, state or Federal employee does NOT pass probation in the position they were promoted to, they have “bumping rights” back to the position they left, with no guarantees it will be in the same work location (but will be local to it). This happens all the time and the agency they promoted from is obligated to find them a “make work” position wherever they can, if they don’t currently have an opening in their classification.
It should be noted that “passing probation” is often political in nature and has absolutely nothing to do with prior experience, skills and abilities of the job at hand.
December 11, 2012 at 10:04 PM #756138bearishgurlParticipantAs an aside, a Federal Employee has a GREAT benefit at their disposal called the “Thrift Savings Plan” or “TSP.”
Pre-Tax Dollars At Work
A Thrift Savings Plan is essentially a contribution plan for federal employees. Federal workers can contribute pre-taxed money into a number of savings accounts that can be matched by their employers if they meet specific qualifications. If employees are eligible for matching funds, their employer will be able to match up to 5 percent of their contributions. Members of the Civil Service Retirement System are not eligible for matching contributions. Withdrawal without penalty begins at age 70 1/2.
(emphasis added)
http://www.ehow.com/how-does_4681354_federal-thrift-savings-plan-work.html
The TSP plan is open only to FERS members (members of the Federal Employee’s Retirement System). Active Federal employee-members of CSRS (an annuity plan, NOT a pension) are dwindling fast. In order to have been a Federal employee under the CSRS Retirement System, an employee would have had to have began their Federal “career” prior to 1983, worked continuously since then, and never elected to convert to FERS.
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/CSRS
State and local governments typically don’t have funds-matching retirement plans. However, they are very popular with non-profits.
The TSP Plan is a GREAT supplement to FERS and is intended solely for income in old age.
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